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MA tööd 2016/2017

KEVAD

Nuclear Proliferation and Multilateralism on the Korean Peninsula”, Andreas Hubert Meyndt                                                                                      Juhendaja: Holger Mölder

North Korea’s nuclear and ballistic weapons programs have continued to pose a concern to regional stability in East Asia for more than two decades. Following their announced withdrawal from the NPT and subsequent crisis in the 1990s, North Korean efforts at obtaining nuclear capabilities have kept the attention of governments and scholars alike. The US military presence in South Korea gives special significance to this issue.

With regards to the implications that a nuclear escalation on the Korean Peninsula would have for the region, this paper will assess two major aspects connected to the issue. Namely the emergence of a nuclear crisis in the 1990s and its continuation in the early 2000s, and the Six-Party Talks as a multilateral attempt to ease tensions. Particular importance will be devoted to the respective states’ conduct within multilateral talks and their subsequent actions.

The goal of this research is to answer why previous multilateral attempts at resolving the issue on the Korean Peninsula have been ineffective and how international relations theories may be able to give a satisfactory explanation and even let us make predictions about future developments.

The theoretical framework consists of neorealism, neoliberalism and constructivism, which are then combined in an effort to reach more accurate and realistic conclusions through analytic eclecticism. Thus, the research will show that North Korea never intended to fully abandon its nuclear program, that it will continue to develop its capabilities and that this doesn’t necessarily have to lead to a pessimistic outlook.

The Role of Values and Interests in Chinese Foreign Policy”, Sönnich Nils Ott                                                                                                                            Juhendaja: Dotsent Ton Notermans

This master thesis recognizes the existence of fundamentally conflicting interpretations of Chinese Foreign Policy. These interpretations range from China as a threat to international peace to China as a moral force. The first interpretation assumes that egoistic Chinese interests will lead to conflict, while the second finds that unique Chinese values lead to a principle foreign policy. The thesis attempts to solve the riddle posed by these conflicting interpretations and to answer which interpretation might have more weight. This is done by analysing the role of values and interests in Chinese foreign policy.

The methodology of the paper is to identify and test potential values and interests through two theories which suit the two conflicting interpretations: Norm-focused Social Constructivism and Offensive Realism. According to this, Chinese interests would be aimed at maximising security through the increase of military power and control, while Chinese norms would stem from Confucianism and could be assessed through “The Five Principles of Peaceful Co-Existence” and the “Harmonious World” concept. The identified norms and interests are tested in two case studies: The Sino-Japan and the Sino-Taiwan relations.

The analysis comes to the conclusion that values and interests both play a role for Chinese foreign policy. But they differ in the way in which they do so. While interests often prevail in security issues, values have a stronger impact on the general goals of Chinese foreign policy. The thesis does conclude that values play a stronger role than interests, but only by a small margin. Therefore, both interpretations of Chinese foreign policy hold some explanatory potential but can be rejected in their claim of China being either a threat or a moral force.

Is the EUs Supranational Political and Institutional Framework Compatible and Applicable on the ASEAN Organization?”, Toomas Oja              Juhendaja: Vlad Vernygora

This research work focuses on one regional grouping, The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The participants of this group are the ten full members of the ASEAN: Philippines, Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Lao PDR, Indonesia, Myanmar, Vietnam, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand. This thesis attempts to compare the two models of EU and ASEAN on their regionalization and political integration. It frames up its argument with the help of primary and secondary sources, namely normative documents, speeches, analytical scholarly and studies. This paper examined stated research questions mainly through pursuing process tracing principle and with the comparable analysis between two regional organizations, which is considered classical international relations qualitative research method on the macro level

This thesis explains that integration and regionalization processes though different theoretic approaches, mainly constructivism, which was supportive for ASEAN way of non-interference and a rival theory to common liberalism and realism in the 1990s.

The paper argues whether the ASEAN have started to adopt the EU institutional framework, for example copying the EUs Committee of Permanent Representatives (COREPER), or economic integration process. The thesis examines an impact of superpowers on the region past and future development and analyses challenges of the ASEAN States in formulating its diplomatic strategies in response to rising hegemony of China.

From Bystander to World Leader? Attitude Changes in China’s Environmental Policy Discourse”, Heiju Mariia Simola                                                    Juhendaja: professor Peeter Müürsepp

The objective of this thesis is to analyze how China’s opinions over environmental policies have changed during the past decade and to further investigate whether it is possible to make assumptions on success of future intergovernmental cooperation on environmental matters from these opinion changes.

The thesis process started with analyzing the historical steps of Chinese environmental policy making and finding a theory to describe the general logic of state behavior when con-structing environmental policies. Furthermore, the purpose was to clarify the main constructions of the currently existing climate agreements. The present state of China’s international involvement in the climate change matters was investigated by opinion changes during the past decade.

The research part of the thesis was implemented by qualitative analysis of High-Level Segment Statements made by Group of 77 and China at Conferences of Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change between the years 2007-2016. Addition-ally, news reports and other researches on the topics of Chinese development and climate change mitigation have been supporting the execution of the thesis and the aim to get a comprehensive overall picture of the topic. The analysis has moreover been influenced by the student’s own experiences and empirical resear ch conducted during the time lived in People’s Republic of China.

On the basis of the study it can be stated that China’s opinions towards climate change issues have been somewhat fluctuating. Environmental negotiations concerning climate change and emission reductions have historically presented to be challenging, but fortunately with the support of China and so many other States, a new climate change agreement was agreed upon in 2015.

 “A new Strategy for a New Turkey?”, Ugur Vurmaz                                                                                                                                                                                              Juhendaja: professor Peeter Müürsepp

A new Strategy for a new Turkey is an ideological and theoretical work on the current foreign policy of Turkey. The thesis firstly comes up with historical facts in order to form a basis for the main argument. It begins with the last term of the Ottoman Empire to state the Ottomanist approach, then it continues with the establishment of the Republic of Turkey together with the explanation of the implemented ideology by Turkish leadership for decades, which is called Kemalism. Afterwards, it shifts to the recent times by mentioning Erdogan’s governments and their strategy, neo-Ottomanism. Besides, the latest coup attempt in Turkey, EU-Turkey relations and the current foreign policy of Turkey are highlighted in the research as a subsidiary way. After presenting an extensive amount of informative political facts together with a deep analysis, the thesis comes up with its argument by providing a comparative table with an extensive statement about the main logic of the work. Finally, the thesis ends with a brief conclusion to generalize its findings, and answers the research questions.

The chosen methodology in the research is called ‘Process Tracing Method’ to collect the facts and find the necessary answers for the research questions. Other than that, the thesis uses Primary and Secondary sources such as online sources, journal articles, books, testimonies, biographies, and mass media & government reports.

In conclusion, this thesis aims to provide an appropriate strategy for Turkey, which could be conducted as its foreign policy in order to improve its position and contribute to the Syrian issue with its own solution. In other words, this deep analytical approach towards the Turkish policy would not only affect itself, but also its surrounding region. Finally, it is highly assumed that the readers will possess a sufficient level of knowledge and understanding after studying this work.

SÜGIS

“Liitumatuse põhimõte Hiina välispoliitikas”, Mark Anderson Ingerjas
Juhendaja: Dotsent Ton Notermans

Autor pakub uut teoreetilist väljavaadet tänapäeva rahvusvahelistele suhetele, pakkudes ning lahti seletades teooria, mis väidab ja uurib kas Hiinal on välispoliitiline liitumatuse põhimõte kui riiklik poliitiline filosoofia või on see ainult illusioon.

Töö põhimõte ja peamine hüpotees seisneb selles, et uurida kuidas Hiina riigisisesed probleemid mõjutavad tema välispoliitilist filosoofiat mitte luua ega võtta osa erinevates liitudes välismaiste poliitiliste jõududega. Töö teine hüpotees väidab, et Hiina unikaalne lähenemine globaalse välisabi jaotamisele omab olulist rolli kui tähtis mehhanism, mis võimaldab kommunistlikul parteil paremini kontrollida ja tasakaalustada sisepoliitilist olukorda, et kinnitab oma juhtpositsioonid riigis.

Koos Hiina ajaloolise liitumatuse uurimisega analüüsib autor nii Hiina tänapäeva suhteid erinevate suurorganisatsioonidega, kuhu ta kuulub, kui ka riikidevahelist koostööd Põhja-Korea ja Pakistaniga. Hiina unikaalset välisabi uurides, vaatleb autor „Angola mudeli“ protsessi ning seda kuidas selle printsiip on siiani olnud maksimaalselt efektiivne aitamaks mitmeid (peamiselt Aafrika ja Kagu-Aasia) arengumaid.

Kokkuvõtteks tuleb autor järeldusele, et kasutades kehtestatud uurimismeetodeid on mõlemad hüpoteesid tõestatud õigeks.